Contemporary Policy Environmental Economics Essay

Contemporary Policy Environmental Economics - Essay Example Russian then President Putin ordered to stop supply of gas by Russian government owned Gas Company namely â€Å"Gazprom† to Ukraine. This had sent shock waves to EU’s administration. Putin’s move was politically motivated as Ukraine wanted to free from Russia and to align with the West. Putin’s action clearly demonstrated bully-boy political manoeuvres to put pressure on Ukraine’s Prime Minister Victor Yushchenko to realign with Russia again. Some critics argued that move was based on fiscal reasons to put force on Ukraine to defer market price for the gas supplied from Russia and to shell out the lion’s share of revenue it generating from key European- Russian pipeline system it operates. Though , the supplies were resumed within few days due to pressure exerted by EU on Russia , the loss of about 40% of gas during peak winter season and this made France and Germany to summon emergency EU ministerial meetings . The fact is that Europe is hea vily relying on Russian gas whereas Russia is heavily relying on European market, technology and goods. Realising the significance of the issue, EU immediately revealed its â€Å"European Energy Policy† to tackle the future energy supply crisis. As a result, EU announced obligatory renewable energy target for each EU nation and hence, the overall EU will get 20% of its renewable source energy including for transport, electricity, aviation, cooling and heating and for UK, the target has been set at 15% by 2020. This research essay is going to analyse how UK government is going to achieve this target. It also suggests measures to be taken by UK government to achieve this target by discussing the various aspect of the research subject. Total power consumption in UK in the year 2004 amounted to 325,000 GWh which had been mainly manufactured from power plants using fuels like coal, gas and nuclear. In 2004, renewable

Explore one IT topic that interests you Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Explore one IT topic that interests you - Essay Example The GPS receiver in the bus calculates its exact location depending on the time that the signal from the satellite takes to reach it. The GPS tracking device in the vehicle can send back the same information to the person tracking the bus or to online tracking system in order to conduct mapping (Sobey 13). The increasingly number of vehicles in the cities has led violation of traffic rules. This reckless driving has caused countless accidents. In order to monitor the driver and ensure that he follows traffic rules, it is essential to use a tracking device (Gillen & David 53). A transport company in Chicago known as Transit Authority has allowed customers to view their websites due to the increased disloyalty between the between businesses and the customers. It allows them to track the location of the bus so that they can prepare themselves for the journey by judging the distance left to reach the station. The act has increased customer’s loyalty in the company (Gillen & David

Role of Women in Ministry Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Role of Women in Ministry - Research Paper Example It will also elaborate the challenges faced by women leader in the church as well as identify the different women serving in the ministry today. 2. Introduction There has been continued controversy concerning the role of women in the ministry. This has been created by the Biblical teachings on the place of the woman in the church. In the Scriptures of Paul to the Corinth church, women were expected to be silent and submissive to their husbands. However, in other Scriptures, women take an active role in the activities of the church. This conflict on the role of women has created an ongoing debate on the subject of women as leaders in the church. Many churches deny women the opportunity to take up an active role in the church while others only permits them to undertake specific positions. 3.1 Positions in the Role of Women 3.1.1 Resistance of Women in the Ministry The values and beliefs of the society are continuously evolving. This has been attributed to the globalization of the society which contributes to the exchange of culture and believes. The role of women in the society has continuously changed, especially in the Western World. Women in the society are fighting for equality in terms of job opportunities, duties and positions in the society. Currently, women in the western world are allowed to hold both social and political offices in the society. Therefore, it is inevitable that the women in the church will also fight for equality in the ministry. Traditionally, the Jewish traditions did not acknowledge the women in the church. The Jews believed that God intentionally created the woman from the man’s rib rather than from his head. This was because women were not created to be the head. They were expected to hide as they were extracted from the hidden rib of man. According to the Jews, women are not expected to voice their though ts or make people listen to them. Furthermore, the Jewish men prayed to God every morning thanking Him for not being born a woman. The beliefs and values of the Jews have had a significant impact on the modern church. Today, there are various schools of thoughts that disregard women in the ministry. According to this school of thought, the Bible does not acknowledge women as leaders in the ministry. They believe that if women were supposed to lead the world as well as the church, then Christ ought to have been female. In addition, they believe that the story of creation clearly elaborates on the societal position of women. This school of thought argues that allowing women to take up leadership in the church is a misinterpretation on the Biblical teachings.1 In his teachings, Paul greatly contradicted himself concerning the role of women in evangelism. In his letters to the Romans, he acknowledged the women as crucial people in spreading of the word. However, in his Letters to the Co rinth Church, Paul indicated that the woman should be silent and obedient to their husband. If they were to learn anything concerning the church, they should obtain consent from their husbands. These teachings from Paul have contributed to the

Attributes of A Leader Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Attributes of A Leader - Essay Example Malcolm X was a renowned black civil rights leader. He dedicated a majority of his life to creating racial pride in his black listeners. Many things led to his strong feelings against white domination, including his family life and his experiences as a young adult, this created his dreams and goals and followed up with his many accomplishes as a civil rights leader. Malcolm X was born in Omaha Nebraska. Growing up his family was constantly harassed by whites who didn't like his father, Earl little because he was an organiser for the "Back-to-Africa" movement. His father was murdered when Malcolm was just six years old. Shortly after his father died his mother had a nervous breakdown and the rest of his family was split up by welfare agencies. Malcolm continued to go to school with dreams of someday becoming a lawyer or a doctor until his eighth-grade teacher told him he should learn carpentry and just forget his dreams because he was black. He dropped out of school that year and he supported himself for a few years as a hustler. Malcolm cheated his way through his young adult life until he was put into jail for burglary While in prison Malcolm adopted the Islamic religion. He believed that blacks all over the world should join forces and fight against racism. In his mind, white people had broken up his family and ruined his life all because of racial tension. Above all, he stressed strong ethical conduct among blacks, in other words, a strong racial unity. Malcolm believed that one day blacks would be repaid for all the loss and suffering caused by whites. Malcolm made it his goal to convince fellow blacks to speak out against racism; he dedicated the rest of his life to this task (Robin 1999 p 12). He never lagged with a gap between his thoughts and his actions. Whatever he desired he went and attempted, and continued until all options were exhausted. Only his goal was not to improve his standing in life, but to improve his peoples', he must be respected as they are because of his commitment to his goal The population recognized his creativity and freshness behind these ideas. They realized that like other ideal Americans in history, Malcolm had new theories, but more importantly that he new how to use them. His thoughts were unlike past notable Americans, but they were just as creative and original as those men and women who were considered ingenious role models. Malcolm's ability to implement these new ideas on the population affects the world around him. He sets out to change the world with fresh, new ideas, and succeeds in gaining

John Heartfield Photomontages and Marxism Essay

John Heartfield Photomontages and Marxism - Essay Example To understand this relationship between Marx and Heartfield, this paper will provide some background into Heartfield’s work and the Weimar Republic before analyzing three of Heartfield’s works in light of Karl Marx’s â€Å"The German Ideology.† Within the language of his art, Heartfield created photographic symbols for the various political parties. He included such images as clenched fists, raised arms and open hands to show the strong actions and determined nature of the men in the various parties to do what they felt was important. Rather than going out and working to take his own photographs, Heartfield opted to take recognizable photographs from the mainstream press and reassemble them in such a way as to change the meaning of the image to what he envisioned. Most of his images appeared in the magazine Die Arbeiter-Illustrierte Zeitung (Worker’s Illustrated Magazine or AIZ). To make his meanings as clear as possible, Heartfield stuck to a minimalist style, restricting himself to only a few telling images in each piece, thus becoming a father of the modern and postmodern movements. The Weimar Republic, a convenient name developed by scholars to distinguish the political situation in Germany between the two world wars, was characterized by violent social upheaval. The country had been led for more than 40 years by the military and was suddenly forced, with the loss of World War I, to accept a civilian government. However, the large numbers of soldiers returning from the war, an unstable idea of how civil government should be constructed as well as a general non-acceptance of this type of government led to chaos within Germany. Several councils were put in place by the soldiers and workers of Germany. These councils led to the abdication of Emperor Wilhelm II, the establishment of a socialist nation and the creation of a parliamentary-led governmental system that acted more like a dictatorship. The general

Credit Card Essay Example for Free

Credit Card Essay Credit card has undoubtedly made our lives easy but it is important that you use credit cards in the right way so that you can make the most of it without getting caught in the credit trap. All you have to do is to keep a track of your purchases, remember you payment cycles, try to settle full credit card payments at the end of every month, avoid spending in excess and carry your cards cautiously. If handled properly, credit cards can serve to be very convenient but they can also lead you to a huge debt if misused. So just play carefully with the tiny plastic thing that is placed in your wallet.

Differences of Liberal and Conservative Views on Social and Economic Issues

Differences of Liberal and Conservative Views on Social and Economic Issues Political intolerance: Liberals and conservatives on social and economic issues. Abstract: In recent studies liberals and conservatives have been shown to express equal amounts of intolerance towards groups with dissimilar ideologies (Brandt et al., 2014; Crawford et al., 2017). This goes against decades of studies that show that conservatives express higher levels of intolerance compared to liberals (Sibley and Duckitt, 2008). This study explores reasons why recent studies have adopted a better methodology and issues with the vast sum of previous studies. We test participant’s intolerance towards groups that have political ideologies both similar and dissimilar to their own. The results show mixed evidence both supporting and not supporting the intolerance equality claim. We look at reasons why this could be the case and present an improvement for future studies. Introduction: Conservative political ideologies has for decades been linked to higher levels of intolerance and prejudice compared to opposing liberal political ideologies (Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). This has created the idea that liberals are also therefore more tolerant and express less prejudice. This has resulted in what looks like a ‘prejudice gap’ between the two ideologies (Farwell & Weiner, 2000). Recently these finding have been brought into question. New studies support that both conservative and liberal ideologies are equal in intolerance and prejudice, thus disproving the prejudice gap, towards views that don’t match their own.   This study explores the relationship between an individual’s political ideology and their intolerance towards an out-group. Intolerance and prejudice are closely related. Intolerance is the unwillingness to accept views, beliefs, or behaviour that differ from ones own. Prejudice is a preconceived opinion that is not based on reason or actual experience. One issue with previous studies is that they focused around minority groups such as African Americans, homosexuals and immigrants (Sears & Henry, 2003; (Terrizzi, Shook, & Ventis, 2010; Meertens & Pettigrew, 1997). These minority groups tend to have a bias towards liberal political ideologies. This is crucial in recognising as it shows that these types of studies focus on tolerance demonstrated by liberals and conservatives towards mostly liberal groups. The current research that has demonstrated that liberals and conservatives show equal amounts of intolerance have done so by exploring the tolerance of conservatives and liberals towards both liberal and conservative groups. It was found that liberals and conservatives express negative prejudices towards groups whose values are different from their own (Morgan, Mullen, & Skitka, 2010). In addition people who had conservative or liberal views even tended to prefer to distance themselves from others who did not share similar views (Skitka, Bauman, & Sargis, 2005). One study that explored this concept developed the ideological conflict hypothesis (ICH) (Brandt et al., 2014). The ICH proposes that people of different political views are willing to express intolerance and prejudice towards political ideologies that are not similar to their own.   The ICH proposes that conservatives and liberals engage in tactics such as motivated information processing and defence against worldview-violating groups to defend their ideologies. Motivated information processing is when an individual is selective about information they process. Individuals will take in information that supports their worldview while filtering out and ignoring information that conflict with their worldviews, (Kunda, 1990). Research has shown that both liberals and conservatives engage in motivated information processing when presented with an opposing political ideology (Bartels, 2002; Crawford, Jussim, Cain, & Cohen, 2013). Defence against worldview-violating groups is the need to maintain a constant worldview. This wanting of a constant worldview leads to increased intolerance towards groups whose ideologies are dissimilar to the individuals (Chambers & Melnyk, 2006). Studies have shown that both conservatives and liberals share the same level of intensity in regards to their ideologies (Skitka & Bauman, 2008). Building on from ICH one study proposed a theory of multi-dimensional ideological conflict (Crawford et al., 2017). Previous research in this area tends to treat political ideologies as a single dimension; a subject is either liberal or conservative (Jost et al., 2003) meaning the concept of ideological conflict only had one dimension to it. However this not the case, as there is growing evidence to support that there is more then one dimension to an individuals political ideologies (Crawford et al., 2017); that is a person may have a conservative view in one area and a liberal view in another, each view is a dimension. Collectively these dimensions create the persons worldview and ideology, however they are not longer belonging to just one group, conservative or liberal. This study looked at social and economic ideologies. Social ideology tends to refer to issues regarding personal freedoms (abortion, same-sex marriage etc) with conservatives tending to favour greater restriction and liberals favouring fewer restrictions in these areas. Economic ideology tends to refer to matters evolving the economy, with conservatives favouring less government regulations and liberals favouring greater government regulation. This study found two interesting patterns; the first is that it found support for ICH. That is both conservatives and liberals showed equal levels of intolerance towards views that were dissimilar to their own. The second finding was that liberals and conservatives, while still showing equal levels of intolerance, reported to have higher levels of conflict towards social ideologies compared to economic ideologies. Evidence supporting this notion suggest that a persons position on social issues more strongly labels them as a liberal or conservat ive compared to their views of economic issues (Feldman & Johnston, 2013), allowing for a greater intensity of conflict to arise when presented with dissimilar social ideologies compared to economic ideologies. Recent studies are pointing towards two new developments in the understanding of political ideological conflict. The first is that individuals that are conservative or liberal will express equal levels of intolerance towards groups or ideas dissimilar to their own (Brandt et al., 2014). The second is that individuals can have both conservative and liberal views at the same time, but belonging to different dimensions (Crawford et al., 2017), such as social or economic. In addition to this the level of intolerance/conflict expressed is higher for social issues compared to economic.   Ã‚   This leads to this studies hypothesis, it is expected that the results will support ICH, that being that both liberal and conservative participants will show equal levels of intolerance towards groups with dissimilar political ideologies. Additionally it is expected to see higher levels of intolerance/conflict in the social dimension then the economic dimension. Discussion: In this study we explored the intolerance levels of participants who held conservative/liberal views towards groups of both similar and dissimilar views on social and economic issues. The results both supported and did not support our hypotheses. In the social domain test we found evidence in favour of our hypothesis, however in the economic domain we found evidence that contradicted our initial hypotheses. In the social domain, our findings supported our first hypothesis; participants were found to show equal levels of intolerance towards social ideologies that were dissimilar to them. This supports the ideological conflict hypothesis (Brandt et al., 2014). As the ICH states, the possible reasons for the results found in this study is due to motivated information processing (Kunda, 1990) and defence against worldview-violating groups (Chambers & Melnyk, 2006; Skitka & Bauman, 2008).   This states that when liberals or conservative form ideas on a group with political ideologies not similar to their own, they are likely to form ideas that confirm their current ideology, this typically leads to the individual forming negative views towards groups of dissimilar ideologies. This is appropriate as this study presented randomly assigned participants to an out-group with randomly assigned political ideologies, meaning that participants would either be paired to an out-group that had similar or dissimilar political views. Additionally to this finding, it was noted participants showed higher levels of tolerance towards groups who shared similar political ideology. This provides additional evidence in favour of the ICH, as it is expected that when a participant is presented with a similar view to their own, they should express less intolerance. The question this brings up however is why our findings matched ICH and not the vastly large collection of studies that found conservatives to be more intolerant (Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). This is explained through the methodology of this experiment. Unlike the majority of studies conducted in the meta-analysis (Sibley & Duckitt, 2008), this studied looked at the intolerance towards groups that held both liberal and conservative views. Previous studies tended to only look at the intolerance towards groups who are easily associated with liberal views (Sears & Henry, 2003; (Terrizzi, Shook, & Ventis, 2010; Meertens & Pettigrew, 1997). This experiments methodology closely matched (Brandt et al., 2014) which provides reasoning behind why the results ended up supporting ICH over the vast majority of studies conducted. However due to the large volume of studies against our hypothesis, it’s important to properly address this. A large proportion of social and political psychologists id entify as a liberal with mostly liberal values (Inbar & Lammers, 2012). As ICH would predict, these liberal researchers could be experiencing motivated information processing and defence against worldview-violating groups. One study found that liberal psychologists tended to investigate topics that are of greater importance to liberal ideology (Mullen, Bauman, & Skitka, 2003). So while not discrediting these previous studies, there is evidence supporting a bias within them. This provides further evidence to why our study did not reproduce their results as well as why it is okay that it didn’t. In the economic domain, our findings did not support our first hypothesis, and gave weak evidence towards our second hypothesis. The first hypothesis that this goes against is that both liberals and conservatives will express equal levels of intolerance. Our findings show that conservatives have a much greater intolerance towards groups with dissimilar economic ideologies. The second hypothesis was that social domains would show a higher level of conflict compared to the economic domain. While this remains true for liberal participants and conservatives presented with a conservative out-group. Conservatives presented with an economically liberal out-group demonstrated a much higher level of intolerance, which goes against our second hypothesis. This could be explained if there was a skew in our sample size, this being more liberals then conservatives or vice versa. This leads to one possible error in this study, a sample bias. The target group in this experiment was university studen ts with an average age of around 21-22. One Australian poll found that for the ages of 18-24 and 25-34, political groups with liberal ideologies (e.g. labour party and the greens) dominated over the conservative Australian liberal party (Roy Morgan, 2017). This brings up one issue with the experiment conducted, that is that we did not take into account the number of liberals compared to conservatives and thus over-looked the possibility for a sample skew. If there was a skew in the political identities of participants (favouring liberals) one reason for higher intolerance could be explained according to political conformity (Cohen, 2003). In an age group with a majority of liberal minded individuals, an individual needs to have strong belief in their ideologies to not conform politicly to the majority. So if there was a skew and the people who identified as conservative had strong conservative ideologies, this would example why results showed conservatives more intolerant in economi c domains. Further research is needed where the sample size is correctly identified and taken into account. In conclusion this study found evidence that both supported and did not support our hypotheses. Over the social domain we see evidence of ICH however this is not seen in the economic domain. This could be due to a sample bias that was not taken into account by researchers. Future studies, which control and take into account any sample biases, are needed. References Bartels L. M. (2002). Beyond the running tally: Partisan bias in political  Ã‚   perceptions. Political Behavior, 24, pp.117–150. Brandt, M., Reyna, C., Chambers, J., Crawford, J. and Wetherell, G. (2014). The Ideological-Conflict Hypothesis.  Current Directions in Psychological Science, 23(1), pp.27-34. Chambers, J. and Melnyk, D. (2006). Why Do I Hate Thee? Conflict Misperceptions and Intergroup Mistrust.  Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), pp.1295-1311. Cohen, G. (2003). Party Over Policy: The Dominating Impact of Group Influence on Political Beliefs.  Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85(5), pp.808-822. Crawford, J., Brandt, M., Inbar, Y., Chambers, J. and Motyl, M. (2017). 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Political conservatism as motivated social cognition.  Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), pp.339-375. Kunda, Z. (1990). The case for motivated reasoning.  Psychological Bulletin, 108(3), pp.480-498. Meertens, R. and Pettigrew, T. (1997). Is Subtle Prejudice Really Prejudice?.  Public Opinion Quarterly, 61(1, Special Issue on Race), p.54. Morgan, G., Mullen, E. and Skitka, L. (2010). When Values and Attributions Collide: Liberals’ and Conservatives’ Values Motivate Attributions for Alleged Misdeeds.  Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36(9), pp.1241-1254. Mullen, E., Bauman, C. and Skitka, L. (2003). Avoiding the Pitfalls of Politicized Psychology.  Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 3(1), pp.171-176. Roy Morgan. (2017).  L-NP (51%) takes the lead over ALP (49%) with only 3 weeks to go. [online] Available at: http://roymorgan.com.au/findings/51115-morgan-poll-august-19-2013-201308181432 [Accessed 1 Oct. 2017]. Sears, D. and Henry, P. (2003). The origins of symbolic racism.  Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85(2), pp.259-275. Sibley, C. and Duckitt, J. (2008). Personality and Prejudice: A Meta-Analysis and Theoretical Review.  Personality and Social Psychology Review, 12(3), pp.248-279. Skitka, L. and Bauman, C. (2008). Moral Conviction and Political Engagement.  Political Psychology, 29(1), pp.29-54. Skitka, L., Bauman, C. and Sargis, E. (2005). Moral Conviction: Another Contributor to Attitude Strength or Something More?.  Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88(6), pp.895-917. Terrizzi, J., Shook, N. and Ventis, W. (2010). Disgust: A predictor of social conservatism and prejudicial attitudes toward homosexuals.  Personality and Individual Differences, 49(6), pp.587-592.